Another in the "bobalition" series of broadsides, parodying black manners, illiteracy, and dialect. (See no. 1819-2.) The text describes, in the words of a "letter from Phillis to her sister in the country," a nocturnal attack by white Bostonians on black freedmen and their homes. The letter is facetiously dated "Ulie 47th, 180027." The illustration shows a group of white men attacking and stoning a black woman and a man on crutches.|Title appears as it is written on the item.|Published in: American political prints, 1766-1876 / Bernard F. Reilly. Boston : G.K. Hall, 1991, entry 1827-1.

Two scenes showing the differing perceptions of Franklin Pierce's stand on the issue of slavery, as viewed by the North and South. The cartoon is divided vertically by "Mason & Dixon's Line." An arrow identifies the left panel as the North and the right as the South. On the left, a group of men look skyward, holding tinted panels of glass through which to see an image of Pierce eclipsed by a black man. First man (far left): "There, Sir, look! if that is not the true Free Soil touch, pray where will you find it?" Second man, an abolitionist: "Well, well, upon my conscience in looking through your glass, I see the true Abolition eclipse! verily Franklin is one of us." A man holding copy of the New York "Tribune" exclaims, "Ay, it is true Congo!" A fourth man points up at the eclipse, saying, "The eclipse is very marked, you will observe!" To the right, four southern men also view an eclipse through tinted glass, but an eclipse in which Pierce's head overshadows the black man's visage. One man (second from right) comments: "It may be only fancy Sir: but it does not seem as if I could see something the other side which looks a little SHADY." A second man, seizing the glass: "Come, come now! Oh! my dear Sir! A man of your sense! you didn't hold the glass right, I assure you!" Another, a stout man holding an umbrella, observes: "Ah! that looks well! how they belied him about the Speech at New Boston." A fourth: "Do you see, Sir. No eclipse there. Nothing but the true orthodox color!"|Pubd. by John Childs, 84 Nassau St. N.Y.|Title appears as it is written on the item.|Forms part of: American cartoon print filing series (Library of Congress)|Published in: American political prints, 1766-1876 / Bernard F. Reilly. Boston : G.K. Hall, 1991, entry 1852-24.

History teaches us that properous advanced national economies like the U.S. share a common institutional framework conducive to creativity, production, and exchange. That institutional framework of individual freedom, rule of law, clearly stated rights to private property, and open competitive markets shapes incentives to encourage material advance. The multiple perspectives approach to historical-scholarship requires viewing events, trends, and developments through a variety of analytical lenses. Often overlooked in traditional history curricula are the insights that the economic way of thinking adds to social, political, and geographic perspectives. Emphasizing the role of institutions, Economic Forces in American History looks at the impact of seven key forces in shaping the development of the United States.

An impassioned condemnation of the Fugitive Slave Act passed by Congress in September 1850, which increased federal and free-state responsibility for the recovery of fugitive slaves. The law provided for the appointment of federal commissioners empowered to issue warrants for the arrest of alleged fugitive slaves and to enlist the aid of posses and even civilian bystanders in their apprehension. The print shows a group of four black men--possibly freedmen--ambushed by a posse of six armed whites in a cornfield. One of the white men fires on them, while two of his companions reload their muskets. Two of the blacks have evidently been hit; one has fallen to the ground while the second staggers, clutching the back of his bleeding head. The two others react with horror. Below the picture are two texts, one from Deuteronomy: "Thou shalt not deliver unto the master his servant which has escaped from his master unto thee. He shall dwell with thee. Even among you in that place which he shall choose in one of thy gates where it liketh him best. Thou shalt not oppress him." The second text is from the Declaration of Independence: "We hold that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness." The print is unusually well drawn and composed for a political print of the period. The handling of both the lithographic technique and the figures betray particular skill. |Entered . . . 1850 by Hoff & Bloede. |Publ. by Hoff & Bloede New York 180 William Str. Corner of Spruce Str. New York.|Signed in reverse: Th. Kaufmann (Theodor Kaufmann?).|The Library's impression of the print was deposited for copyright on October 30, 1850.|Title appears as it is written on the item.|Weitenkampf, p. 101.|Forms part of: American cartoon print filing series (Library of Congress)|Published in: American political prints, 1766-1876 / Bernard F. Reilly. Boston : G.K. Hall, 1991, entry 1850-5.

Signed in stone: WA.|Title appears as it is written on the item.|Forms part of: American cartoon print filing series (Library of Congress)

This site looks at American political parties of the past, presidential inaugurations, images of presidents and first ladies, our first uniform election day, political cartoons by Herbert Block (Herblock) and Pat Oliphant, the 1877 electoral commission created by Congress to resolve the disputed presidential election of 1876, the 19th and 24th amendments (ending the poll tax and giving women the right to vote), and the Nixon-Kennedy debates.

Last week I did a reading comprehension (author's purpose) using short passages. The students loved it and were very engaged. When I saw the above advertisment, Electrifying Your Home Now, I thought I would mix it into the gallery walk as an example of persuasion. I will look for other primary sources for informing and entertainment/express.

In small groups, students closely examine one sentence from the Gettysburg Address and create a multigenre project communicating what they have discovered about the meaning and significance of the text.

"I never knew a whole family to live together, till all were grown up, in my life," recalls Lewis Clarke of his twenty-five years enslaved in Kentucky.1 Families were separated due to sale, escape, early death from poor health, suicide, and murder by a slaveholder, overseer, slave patroller, or other dominant person. Separation also occurred within the plantation itself, e.g., by segregating "field slaves" from "house servants," removing children from parents to live together with a slave caretaker, or bringing children fathered by the slaveholder to live in the "Big House." How, then, did the slave family provide solace and identity? "What the family does, and what the family did for African Americans," writes historian Deborah White Gray, "was create a world outside of the world of work. It allowed for significant others. It allowed a male slave to be more than just a brute beast. It allowed him to be a father, to be a son. It allowed women to be mothers and to take on roles that were outside of that of a slave, of a servant."2 When did the enslaved child realize how his or her family life differed from the slave-holder's? How did enslaved adults cope with the forced disintegration of their families? Here we read a collection of texts—two letters, a memoir, and interview excerpts—to consider these questions. (See also Theme II: ENSLAVEMENT, #2, Sale.)

Nikki Giovanni's poem 'The Funeral of Martin Luther King, Jr.' is paired with Dr. King's "I Have a Dream" speech, taking students on a quest through time to the Civil Rights movement.

A comic boar game based on the Erie Railroad wars. Owner of the railroad James Fisk has slipped to the ground after trying unsuccessfully to scale the greased pole. Coins and a bill marked "Erie" fall from his pockets. Among the men who jeer at his predicament is Cornelius Vanderbilt, who, throughout 1868 and 1869, tried unsuccessfully to seize control of the Erie by buying into its stock. At right are directions for the game: "Use two Dice thrown together; if the sum of the throw is an even number, the player places his chip on the first number of the pole and is entitled to successive throws unti his throw is an odd number, in which case the chip is moved down one number, (or off, if on the first square), and the play is made by the next in turn. Doublets entitle the player to move his chip two squares. The game is completed when the successful chip has passed the highest square and is thrown off."|Crichton & Co., Publishers, New York.|Entered . . . 1869 by D.W. DeForest . . . New York.|Title appears as it is written on the item.|Forms part of: American cartoon print filing series (Library of Congress)|Published in: American political prints, 1766-1876 / Bernard F. Reilly. Boston : G.K. Hall, 1991, entry 1869-3.

This site offers geography and history activities showing how two years in history had an indelible impact on American politics and culture. Students interpret historical maps, identify territories acquired by the U.S., identify states later formed from these territories, examine the territorial status of Texas, and identify political, social, and economic issues related to the expansion of the U.S. in the 1840s.

Practice working with primary documents by comparing accounts of the Chicago Fire and testing the credibility of a Civil War diary.

Another in the series of "Spoodlyks's" satires on the Glentworth affair. (See also nos. 1840-60, -61, and -63). Here the artist portrays Glentworth's attempt to remove evidence in the vote fraud inquiry from the recorder's office, and the ensuing scuffle involving the sheriff, the mayor, and the recorder. In the cartoon the recorder's office has erupted in a brawl. Glentworth (center) stands clutching the package of evidence to his chest. City recorder Robert H. Morris (left) and sheriff Jacob Acker, with a writ of replevin in his pocket, try to wrest the package from Glentworth. Sheriff: "By virtue of this writ I claim the package." Morris: "No you dont Mr. Sherriff." Glentworth: "This is my property and I'll Keep it at the risk of my life." On the left Mayor Isaac Varian struggles with another man. Varian says, "The package is gone Officers shut the door." A third man comments, "I like that. Shut the door When the horse is stolen." Others lament "O.K. orful Konspiracy." and "O.K. orful Katastrophe." and "O.K. help the journal of Kommerce." The term "O. K.," standing for Van Buren's nickname Old Kinderhook, was a watchword of Loco Foco Democrats during the election campaign of 1840.|Drawn by "Spoodlyks".|Printed & published by H.R. Robinson, 52 Cortlandt St. N.Y. & Pennsa. Avenue Washington D.C.|Title appears as it is written on the item.|Weitenkampf, p. 171.|Forms part of: American cartoon print filing series (Library of Congress)|Published in: American political prints, 1766-1876 / Bernard F. Reilly. Boston : G.K. Hall, 1991, entry 1840-62.

Slavery has existed around the world for generations. It has spanned across cultures and spread throughout continents, leaving its mark on families, communities, countries, governments and industry. Its reach continues to exist today. In this lesson, students will hear about the history of slavery and examine how it has evolved over time.

An attack on New York governor William L. Marcy's controversial decision to surrender Irish fugitives John Bamber, Sr., and his son James to the British consul after their detention in New York. The Bambers, wanted by the British government in connection with the killing of an Irish police constable, had sought asylum in the United States. Marcy's decision to return them to British custody caused a furor among New York Whigs and Irish immigrants. In the title the "A" in Marcy's name is crossed out and replaced with an "E." Marcy is shown leading the two Bambers by a rope tied to their necks toward a stout British consul on the right. The prisoners are in hand and leg irons. In the background a ship sits offshore and a heavyset man with spectacles, city recorder Richard Riker, runs up waving a writ of habeas corpus and crying "Stop! Stop!" On the left is the Hall of Justice; on the right the consul's office. Marcy's trousers are mended with a "50 cents" patch, a joke regarding a tailor's voucher for fifty cents that he submitted during his governorship of New York. Marcy: "Here my dear Sir are these savage Irishmen, whom I gladly deliver over to you, to be dealt with as the Queen's most excellent Majesty may think fit." British consul: "I thank your Excellency for your promptness, and shall represent your conduct in such a light to her most gracious Majesty, that I have not a bit of doubt she will reward you with a pair of new breeches!!" The younger Bamber: "Is this the boasted liberty of the soil? Is this the law for an adopted citizen?" Bamber, Sr.: "Is this the justice of the self-styled People's Party?"|Entered . . . 1838 by H.R. Robinson.|Printed & publd by H.R. Robinson, 52 Cortlandt St & 11-1/2 Wall St. N.Y.|Signed with monogram: C (Edward Williams Clay).|The print was registered for copyright on October 8, 1838.|Title appears as it is written on the item.|Weitenkampf, p. 55.|Forms part of: American cartoon print filing series (Library of Congress)|Published in: American political prints, 1766-1876 / Bernard F. Reilly. Boston : G.K. Hall, 1991, entry 1838-5.

On July 26, 1948, President Harry S. Truman signed this executive order establishing the President's Committee on Equality of Treatment and Opportunity in the Armed Services, committing the U.S. government to integrating the segregated military. Read and see the document here.

A ludicrous contrast of two influential Democrats, the obese Alabama Representative Dixon Hall Lewis and gaunt "Globe" editor Francis Preston Blair. The artist comments upon the unlikely alliance established in early 1840 between the Van Buren administration and certain Southern legislators in the circle of John Calhoun. Insinuation of Blair's corruption is also made. Lewis sits on a bench, holding his hat and walking stick before him. Blair embraces him with claw-like hands, saying, "I think Buchanan [i.e., Democratic senator from Pennsylvania James Buchanan] is making forcible illustrations of the bad effects of an inflated currency. Eh! my fat 'all y'?" Lewis responds, "Why I think, my "galvanized" friend that "you" & "I" illustrate best contraction and expansion! but d--n it Frank, it's strange you can't get fatter upon your Congressional corncrib & Treasury pap?" Blair was once called "a galvanized corpse" by South Carolina Congressman Francis W. Pickens. Two "Globe Reporters" in a gallery on the right remark, "I say Tom there is a hint in the way of geography--showing the comparative size of "Alabama" & the Globe." and "Yes! I think L--s appears quite resigned to the pressure of our lean governor's "specie claws!" "Expansion & Contraction" appears to be by the same hand as "Locofoco and Nulification Nuptials" (no. 1840-46).|Printed & published by H.R. Robinson, no. 52 Cortlandt St. N.Y. & Pennsa. Avenue Washington D.C.|Probably drawn by J. McGouldrick.|Title appears as it is written on the item.|Weitenkampf, p. 61.|Forms part of: American cartoon print filing series (Library of Congress)|Published in: American political prints, 1766-1876 / Bernard F. Reilly. Boston : G.K. Hall, 1991, entry 1840-47.

The four major wars in which American women served after World War II can be split into two pairs. Korea and Vietnam were conflicts fought in Asian countries divided by the politics of the Cold War. The Persian Gulf War and the conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq were fought in the Middle East and grew out of tensions over aggression in that region and, in the latter instance, the 9/11 attacks. For women, the first two wars signaled few advances in their roles in military service, but in the two recent wars, the areas of women’s participation expanded immensely, with potentially more dire consequences.